by Stephen Davis
I read with interest Asari Dokubo’s comments published on September 14
in the Daily Post. Asari is quite correct in saying that he knows me
well and has met members of my family. In 2004, the Niger Delta was
aflame with conflict. Asari, Ateke Tom and Tompolo were waging a fierce
war against the Nigerian federal and state governments.
Many people had been killed.
Nigerian military were having trouble contending with Asari’s guerrilla
warfare. Small, highly mobile and heavily armed militant forces in fast
boats struck across the Niger Delta targeting oil installations and
military posts. Nigeria’s oil output at one point dropped to as low as
600,000 barrels per day and on average was halved to one million barrels
per day.
This was a devastating blow to Nigeria’s economy and the operations of
the major international oil companies. Apart from the economic impact,
communities were suffering from the conflict with many innocent people
killed in military efforts to purge the communities of militants...
My wife and I were living in Port Harcourt and, in 2004, I explored the
idea of a peace deal with an Ijaw friend, Von Kemedi. As an Ijaw, he
knew Asari who was also Ijaw. Von was able to make contact with Asari
who agreed to meet with me.
Von and I subsequently travelled through the swamps in a speed boat to
Opurata village to see the damage to villages before transferring to a
canoe that we paddled to another village from where we were met by
Asari’s men in another fast boat. With a blindfold on we were taken to
another island where we waited until another boat escorted us to Asari’s
camp. A vigorous discussion took place that night surrounded by Asari’s
well-armed fighters. By the end of the night, the foundation of a peace
deal has been set down.
I subsequently took the peace proposal to President Olusegun Obasanjo
and found him ready and willing to support peace and disarmament. The
deal also encompassed demobilisation and a programme to reintegrate the
militants back into the communities. This required a skills training
programme which President Obasanjo supported. A final essential element
was weapons surrender and destruction. The protocol used was that set
down by the UN and was agreed by both sides.
At the Villa
I stayed in close contact with Asari by satellite phone each evening
around 5pm. We worked out the details of the peace process. The first
step was a ceasefire. The ceasefire was set in place on September 8,
2004, but in the following days was broken three times and each time it
was the Nigerian military that broke the ceasefire. Even when under
fire during a ceasefire breach Asari, honoured his word and withdrew,
firing only for self-protection.
To complete the peace deal, President Obasanjo directed me to oversee
the extraction of Asari and his key commanders in September 2004. I
travelled to the Niger Delta with a handful of SSS men headed by Fubara
Duke, an Ijaw man known to Asari and trusted by President Obasanjo.
At 1am on September 29, 2004 Asari, and his commanders met us at
Abonnema Landing in the Niger Delta and we proceeded to Port Harcourt
airport where we boarded a plane at dawn to take us to Abuja and direct
to President Obasanjo in the Cabinet Room. That day was punctuated with
amazing revelations as Asari recounted events that led him and his men
to defy the government and launch a guerrilla style campaign.
Asari always kept his word to me. He gave me an undertaking on the
ceasefire and kept it even in the face of breaches by the military. When
it came to time for weapons surrender, he asked me how many weapons I
wanted him to surrender. I said, ‘ Asari you have 3,000 men, so I want
3,000 weapons.’
Asari gave a commitment to hand over 3,000 guns, 100 general purpose
machine guns and some rocket launchers which were subsequently destroyed
in a series of public destructions to UN standards overseen by the Army
at Bori Military Camp in Port Harcourt in mid-November 2004.
President Obasanjo kept his word and on October 1, 2004 the peace
accord was announced and Asari and his commanders returned to the Niger
Delta.
Asari is correct in saying I never paid him anything. I never paid
anyone and no one paid me either by way of funds or favours. President
Obasanjo did not offer to pay me for the Niger Delta peace accord and I
did not seek payment. The peace deal was built on trust. I went to
Asari’s camp unarmed and without any security.
Asari and his key commanders travelled with me and the small SSS
contingent totally unarmed. We trusted each other with our lives and
that built trust. There can be no peace without trust. Without trust,
there is merely a ceasefire which will eventually be broken and the
fighting resume.
Asari said in his interview with the Daily Post that President Obasanjo
broke his word. I am not so sure of that. What I think Asari may be
referring to is the demobilisation and skills training that did not
materialise after the peace accord. Funds were to be set aside to train
the ex-militants for employment and to reintegrate them back into their
communities. This phase of the work was to be undertaken by the state
governors.
By March 2005, a full six months had passed without any sign of training
and reintegration. It was no surprise then to find 200 Niger Delta
ex-militants had been recruited by foreign mercenaries to participate in
a coup attempt in Equatorial Guinea. The ex-militants were intercepted
as they departed Warri in a ship bound for Guinea. They had each been
promised $5,000 and an AK47.
Had the promised skills training and reintegration been implemented,
these young men probably would not have agreed to join the coup attempt
in Equatorial Guinea. So Asari is right but it was more likely that the
governors were not sincere and not former President Obasanjo. It was the
governors that had armed, promoted and used the gangs for political
purposes in much the same way that former Governor Modu Sheriff was
alleged to have done in Borno State..
It was this failure to honour the agreement to demobilise by providing
skills training and reintegration that fuelled discontent and provided
the conditions that formed MEND which added bombing and kidnapping to
its mode of operation.
Contrary to Asari’s understanding, former President Obasanjo did not
bring me to Nigeria on my recent trip to seek the release of the Chibok
girls or for any other purpose. Nor did President Jonathan or anyone
else. I came to Nigeria in April this year to seek the release of the
Chibok girls at my own expense and of my own volition because I could
see no progress on the release of the kidnapped girls.
Girls horrifying r*pe
While Asari may not believe any girls were kidnapped, let me assure you
that hearing the stories of some girls who have escaped from Boko Haram
camps is a sobering experience. There are many girls who have been
kidnapped apart from the girls from the Chibok school.
The kidnapping of girls by Boko Haram has been going on for at least a
year. Initially Boko Haram kidnapped girls because the fighters could
not go back home to their wives. They used the kidnapped girls. Girls
tell how they were r*ped every day, week after week.
One girl was r*ped every day, sometimes several times a day by groups of
men. Some did not survive the ordeal. The escaped girls tell harrowing
stories of r*pe and abuse. They are traumatised and require medical
treatment and counselling. These girls are testament to the horrifying
truth about the kidnappings.
But the Chibok kidnappings were only the start of my recent journey to
Nigeria. It soon became apparent the (alleged) sponsors did not want any
interference in their plan. The “political Boko Haram” which
(allegedly) started out as Sheriff’s ECOMOG (so named after the military
peace keeping forces operating in Liberia at that time because an SDP –
Social Democratic Party- candidate was protected from an angry mob in
Bama by a group of youths supporting the SDP) that targeted his
political opponents in the 2003 and 2007 elections have since mutated
into the Boko Haram we see today that terrorises through beheadings,
butchering innocent villagers, bombing innocent people at shopping malls
and in churches, raping and kidnapping.
It is true that Sheriff fell-out with Yusuf and the allegation stands
that when the military captured Yusuf in late July 2009 and handed him
over to the police in Borno State, he was allegedly executed on
Sheriff’s instruction. Thus the root of the perception that Sheriff
cannot be a sponsor but a hated enemy of Boko Haram. But the core of the
old Yusufiya is no longer part of Boko Haram.
Boko Haram is a mutation of political Boko Haram and Shekau’s Ansaru.
The Yusufiya grew out of the Izala movement and had great respect for
Izala. Boko Haram now beheads Izala followers. The “slaughterers” work
with the political assassins and suicide bombers.
The sponsors of Boko Haram do not care how many innocent Nigerians are
slaughtered, how many women are raped, how many girls and boys are
kidnapped, how many villages are plundered. I have met too many victims
to say, “It is not my problem”.
We are each diminished if we allow such crimes against our fellow
citizens to persist. The Nigerian military is diminished if it uses Boko
Haram tactics to address the problem. Evil will flourish and triumph if
good men and women do nothing.
Many Nigerian politicians have said little and done nothing to curb the
slaughter of Nigerians that is being supported by the sponsors. While
fathers die to protect their daughters and wives are raped and butchered
the sponsors of Boko Haram are accorded privileges and protection.
They fly in private jets and are accorded military protection. Are the
sponsors of Boko Haram so far above the law? Have the citizens of
Nigeria lost the right to bring these men to justice? Who will stand up
for the poor and oppressed who are being slaughtered and raped in their
hundreds? By the grace of God we trust that good men and women will
stand up and justice will prevail.
*Davis, an Austrialian, is a widely known negotiator